At a time when a leader who has
been CM of a state since 2002 is selling himself as the most winnable candidate
for PM post, we cannot ignore another leader who has been at the helm of
affairs in his own state since 1999. Odisha CM Naveen Patnaik is now gunning
for a straight fourth term as the CM of Odisha. Not a mean achievement for
someone nicknamed “Pappu” which is synonymous for failure in India. The
soft-spoken and poor orator Naveen stands apart from his more vocal and cunning
East Indian counterparts like Nitish Kumar, Mamta Banerjee and Tarun Gogoi.
Still no one doubts his credentials as a vote catcher and an above par
administrator. Yet the election 2014 is not about Naveen in Odisha. The recent
poll projections coming out of the state indicate a huge swing in favour of BJP
– past ally of BJD – which has astonished both the supporters and opponents of
BJP. Yet unlike other states pollsters do not agree on what is in store for the
saffron outfit in this state. The opinion polls are quite gung-ho about its
chances in the state. The March-April 2014 CSDS election tracker has put BJP in
the second place behind BJD in the state. But the margin is very thin 34% for
BJD and 30% for BJP. This comes within the expected margin of 3% that pollsters
generally take into account while generating results. Not to mention that it is
BJP which has the momentum and is picking up fringe voters while BJD votes are
static since May 2013. Congress is falling to the wayside with each passing
day. On the other hand the NDTV-Hansa research poll suggests that things have
not changed since 2009 in the state and BJP is still a distant third in the
state. So what is the reality? I talked to few of my sources in Odisha and also
dig into some stats for Odisha polls and this is what I have been able to come
forward with.
The BJP sentiment should not be
surprising
The 2009 poll data suggest that
BJD is not that strong in Southern Orissa especially is tribal belts where BJP
was a force to reckon with. In Sudergarh party candidate Jual Oram (a minister
in Vajpayee) government lost by just about 12,000 votes to the Congress
candidate. On as many as 12 seats BJP got more than 1,50,000 votes and was a
close third on about three to four seats. It is also to be noted that on all
these seats Congress was eventual winner and in a way it was a big beneficiary
from the BJD-BJP break up in 2009. So the people say that BJP’s rise in Odisha
is not sudden. In 2009 the break up with BJD came as a jolt and BJP leaders
were not ready to fight on their own (in fact the decision to break away from
JD-U in Bihar well ahead of the 2014 was somewhat inspired by this fact). It
also lacked credibility as an opposition to BJD, which were its ally weeks
prior to the polls. So both parties ended up eating into each other votes and
Congress was able to corner all the anti-BJD votes. Now things have changed.
BJP has been in the opposition for a full term of five years and the BJP MLAs
have been vocal against BJD government also. Again Congress is being perceived
as a loser nationally and those who have aligned with it to oppose BJD may not
be inclined to do so now. The Modi factor is also working. It is said that the
Modi wave is limited in the Hindi-speaking states as Modi is a good orator in
Hindi only. Odisha is primarily a non-Hindi state and thus in the rural Orissa
his appeal will be limited. If this turns out to be true, it will certainly
expose the limitation of Modi’s charisma. So BJP do have a chance to do well in
land of Jaggannath as well as land of Somnath.
Yet we may be overestimating
BJP’s strength
There is also a group of people
who say that in 2009 many BJP candidates were sitting MPs. It had won 7 out of
9 seats allotted to it in 2004 and most of the seats where BJP candidates got
vote were seats which have been either been traditionally held by BJP or were
carved out from the BJP strongholds during the delimitation exercise. As
sitting MPs always have clout in their seats it is not surprising that BJP got
votes in those seats. They also point out that BJP failed to cross the one lakh
vote marks in key urban areas like Cuttack, Bhubaneshwar, Berhampore and Bhadrak.
In all these seats BJD won with huge margin getting more than 4 lakh votes. So
even if the Modi factor boosts it in the urban areas it may not be able to get
it anywhere close to BJD votes. Congress must also not be too much hopeful from
the fact of BJP cutting into BJD votes as BJD had trounced it by more than
1,00,000 votes in as many as 8 seats. A surge in Congress vote is not being
seen anywhere in Odisha and thus a spike in BJP votes may just bring down BJD
victory margin in these seats. As per my estimates BJD is playing safe in 10
seats including Aska, Berhampore, Puri, Bhubaneshwar, Kendrapara, Cuttack, Kandmahal,
Jajpur, Koraput and Dhenkanal. Congress may have a fighting chance in 4 to 6
seats only, if its vote margin does not increase. A 5% decline (which pollsters
suggest is taking place) may bring it down to 2 to 3 seats.
So what are the BJP’s chances in
Odisha this time
My sources tell me that BJP in
serious fight in as many as six seats in Odisha. They are Sundergarh,
Mayurbhanj, Bolangir, Kalahandi, Sambhaplur and Balasore. They expect that if
JMM is not able to come to Congress’s rescue in the tribal belts of Odisha it
may garner 2 to 3 seats from this area. Outside this belt chances of BJP
picking any seats are remote as of now. In Bolangir its state president Singhdev
is a royal scion and may pull out a surprise if Modi magic works for him. My
sources say me that 2 seats for BJP will be a disappointment, 3 to 4 seats will
be OK and 5 to 6 seats will be too good. The same parameters for BJD are 8 to
10, 10 to 12 and 12 to 15 respectively. For Congress anything above three seats
will be OK. Still given the national mood it may draw a blank in this state
too. Most of them say that the gap between BJP and Congress’s vote percentage
will be minimal and at least in Lok Sabha it may push Congress to 3rd
place. In assembly election it is expected to come close second to BJP’s third
place finish.
What implications can it have for a
post-poll scenario in 2014?
The central leadership has always
treated Naveen as a potential ally and even in post May 16 scenario, BJD’s
kitty of a dozen MPs or so are expected to support BJP to keep Congress out of
power. This is the line of thought which stops the BJP leadership (barring
Narendra Modi) to go all out against BJD. Put post May 16 if the projected
numbers for BJP in Odisha holds true, it may set off an entire new chain of
events. If BJP’s vote share crosses 20% mark in the assembly polls and 25% mark
in the Lok Sabha polls Naveen’s anti-Congress plank may change. If BJP emerges
as a principal opposition of BJD in the state Naveen may find it hard to
support BJP in the center. On the other hand if BJP manages to form a
government without BJD in Delhi, we may see a sudden exodus of Congress leaders
to BJP. This will also not augur well for BJD. So post May 16 Naveen may find
himself caught between a rock and a hard place. But if the numbers turn out to
be what has been suggested in the Hansa poll, Naveen may be tempted to support
BJP. But as my sources have indicated he will prefer a third front government
and will support a non-Modi BJP leader only as a last resort. There is no way
Naveen can be wooed to back Modi as he will feel it safe in containing himself
in Odisha rather than risking the minority vote (about 10%) which may shift
directly to Congress if he agrees to support Modi. One of my sources also say
that if Congress slips below 15% mark in the state, we may see a tectonic shift
in state politics as Congress may go for an alliance with BJD with Congress
becoming a junior partner, just like it has been doing in Tamil Nadu and Bihar
for several years. Though many, including myself, see this as a far-fetched
scenario yet politics in Odisha seems tantalizingly poised for a change. What
its shape will can be clear only after May 16.
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